In the United States, Pildes said, “one might imagine that the parties that were in power during the United Government era would dramatically increase the number and size of the federal courts and seek to fill these new positions.” I wrote. According to Pildes, Trump has already said, “If re-elected, one of the first things I’ll do is an executive order to redeploy tens of thousands of civil servants to ‘Schedule F’ positions, which means losing civil servants. They can be protected, fired, and replaced by new appointees of the President’s choosing.”
Instead of censorship, an authoritarian president would try to control the media, Pildes wrote.
By exercising financial clout against it or justifying it by calling it “fake news.” To insulate themselves from accountability, these governments use their discretionary powers, such as grants and licenses, to pressure companies and others to extract “donations” for political campaigns, or policy, or at least refrain from disputing it publicly. Got a glimpse of this during Covid. President Trump said he would provide much-needed amenities to governors who are “kind” to him, not “nasty.”
Donald Moynihan, a professor of public policy at Georgetown University, explained in an email how democratic setbacks change or affect different constituencies and demographic groups.
“For many, life will go on as normal. These are groups with more conservative beliefs who have little reason to worry that their rights are at risk,” Moynihan wrote. Conversely, “certain groups will become more vulnerable. These include groups that have been historically marginalized, and new restrictions on voting may be introduced.” , members of the LGBTQ community who are treated as second-class citizens.”
Moynihan said civil servants are likely to bear the brunt.
The risk extends to civil servants in particular, as America’s democratic retreat has a conspiratorial, anti-national flavor. Over the past few years, certain groups of civil servants (election officials, public health officials, school teachers, librarians) have been subject to barbaric conspiracy theories and unsubstantiated accusations, and have been denied professional autonomy to perform their duties. is declining.
Moynihan wrote that Florida governor DeSantis “represented these threats better than Trump.”
Passed a bill to monitor the political ideologies of faculty and students. Higher education institutions censor faculty members, ban some faculty members from testifying against proposed state reorganizations, and restrict the way they talk about issues such as race. The DeSantis administration is encouraging students to monitor and report professors who view practices similar to those occurring in China as “unacceptable.”
DeSantis, Moynihan added:
I signed a bill to limit classroom discussions and the ability of people to protest. Not only has his administration blocked the voting rights of former felons and made it very difficult to regain those rights, but it has also provided information to those who want to know what they need to do to vote. He has attacked LGBTQ groups and his publicist has accused those who oppose their “Don’t Say Gay” bill is called a “groomer” by everyone.
DeSantis’s reelection move, along with his future national outlook, along with those of Trump and politicians who will follow him, are, in the words of Harvard economist Dani, ready for the U.S. to take at the time. It will be a test of direction. “The global economic and political order appears to be at an inflection point, and the future direction is very balanced,” Rodrick said.
A combination of racial and ethnic tensions and continued economic turmoil that unfairly spreads across the country has turned the United States into a testing ground for right-wing populism. The outrage of the white working class and the middle classes tapped by Trump and DeSantis stems from her two major developments over the past 60 years.
The first of these arose from the continued absorption into the political system of race-driven partisan reorganizations that began decades ago at the height of the civil rights movement.Ilyana of Princeton University As noted by Kuziemko and Ebonya Washington of Yale University,
The 17 percentage point drop in Democratic support between 1958 and 1980 can be explained by a 19 percentage point drop for Southern whites with conservative racial views. Extending the post period to 2000, 77% of the 20 percentage point decline is explained by a decline in the difference among southern whites with conservative racial views.
The second development stems from the lasting turmoil caused by the 2008 financial crisis.
“The post-crisis years saw a sharp increase in political polarization, with the rise of populist movements on both the left and the right in Europe and the United States, culminating in Brexit in the UK and the election of Donald Trump here. Harvard Business School professor Gautam Mukunda writes: “Even the economic recovery experienced by the United States and, to a lesser extent, the United Kingdom, does not account for the long-term political and social consequences of the collapse. Not enough to neutralize.”